Blog
Developments in devolution
29th July 2008
Power sharing at Stormont is no panacea. This posting considers increased fears about terrorist activity by republicans
I wonder how many blog readers cam across this quite disturbing report about an increased threat of action by Irish dissidents.
It seems that the activity of a number of hard core factional groups has been picked up by British security services, and remarkably more than half of all electronic intercepts relate to them rather than Islamic fundamentalists. Apparently members of the Real IRA and Continuity IRA continue to oppose the establishment of power sharing in the province, viewing it as a sop.
Some believe that activity has been heightened by the prospect of police and justice being transferred to Stormont, a step that would be the final piece in the constitutional jigsaw and from which there would be no way back.
The links to the two articles are here.
But if you don’t follow them, you should at least read the FAQ on this which I have copied and pasted below:
Why are republican dissidents so determined to destabilise power-sharing in Northern Ireland?
They regard the historic compromise between Sinn Féin and the Democratic Unionists as a sell-out of traditional republican principles, especially the core one that Northern Ireland is an illegitimate state still occupied by Britain.
Can the devolved government comprising former republican and unionist enemies survive a new terrorist campaign?
Unless there is carnage caused by terrorist atrocities, yes. The four parties in the power-sharing coalition running Northern Ireland represent 80% of the electorate. Even in former hardline republican areas such as west Belfast there is a general mood that power-sharing is a good thing for the community.
Will the Northern Ireland parties take control of policing/security policies?
The DUP is nervous about the prospect of either a police or justice minister from Sinn Féin and its impact on the unionist electorate. However, they have little time left to decide. All the indications are they will say yes in the autumn. The parties have no control over MI5’s presence in Northern Ireland, a point often highlighted by republican dissident supporters.
Aren’t the loyalist terrorist organisations keeping their guns?
Yes. Secret talks are under way involving them and Northern Ireland’s first minister, Peter Robinson, aimed at persuading the organisations to decommission their illegal arsenals. Their guns have been silent but the fear is that a renewed and invigorated republican dissident campaign might bring them back into play, although their leaders still support the peace process.
Who they are
The dissident republican terror movement is fractured into at least three factions:
Real IRA
Largest of the anti-peace process factions. Founded in late 1997 by ex-Provisional IRA (Pira) quartermaster general Michael McKevitt, it was responsible for the Omagh bomb atrocity a year later. Recently rallied after a series of blows from the Garda Síochána, leading to the arrest of dozens. It is estimated to be around 40-strong and centred on mid-Ulster and Derry city. Many of its leading figures were once active Pira members. In its fledgling years it attempted to bomb London several times.
Continuity IRA
A much older and smaller terror grouping, founded in 1986 and aligned to Republican Sinn Féin, the political party that split from Gerry Adams and his supporters after the latter agreed to recognise the southern Irish parliament. No more than about 20 key paramilitary activists are operating in the Fermanagh area as well as in north Armagh, where they are led by a former Pira assassin.
Óglaigh na hÉireann
Collection of around 20 ex-Pira members from republican strongholds of Co Tyrone. They were once aligned to Pira commander Jim Lynagh, whom the SAS shot dead in 1987. Two leading figures include a former leader of the Provos’ East Tyrone brigade and a former republican prisoner from the area who was beaten by the Pira a decade ago for speaking out against Sinn Féin’s peace strategy.